Introduction
Introduction
The economic reform in
Vietnam began in 1979 as efforts were made to overcome a striking economic
crisis in which standard of living declined drastically. In the early 1980s, the
economy was a hybrid of a central planning system and a market system at the
bottom, both in the agricultural sector and industrial sector. Facing the threat
of a deviation from a central planning system, the Communist Party tried to
re-regulate the deregulated economy. However, re-regulation showed apparent
failures.
Consequently, the
Sixth Congress of the Vietnamese Communist Party launched a critical move from a
central planning system to a market one in December 1986. The economic reform
has brought about considerable improvements in living standards. After a period
of price instability, even hyperinflation, in 1986-1991, which was associated
with moderate growth rates, the Vietnamese economy entered a period of moderate
inflation with rapid growth over 1992-1997. More specifically the annual average
growth rates over 1986-1991, 1992-1997, and 1998-2000 are 4.7 percent, 8.8
percent and 5.8 respectively. The corresponding inflation rates are 180 percent,
9.5 percent, and 2.8 percent.
Especially, a new
phase of economic performance that clearly emerged in 1999 shows low inflation,
even deflation. This phenomenon is associated with a slowdown in growth. With a
perception of stagnancy in demand growth, the government has carried out a
stimulus package, which involves expansion in both monetary and fiscal policies.
So far, this stimulus package has seemed to fail to prevent deflationary
pressures, which are assumed as signals of a downturn. Facing this fact, a
debate over further expansion has appeared. Some economists and policy makers
argue for further stimuli while some others argue for cautious responses. This
debate cannot be settled without the knowledge of possible effects of monetary
growth and inflation on economic growth.
The thesis is
concerned with the research question: ‘What is the pattern of effects of
inflation on growth’. Via the literature review and the stylized facts of the
Vietnamese economy, we formulate a hypothesis about a possible inverted U-shaped
relationship between inflation and growth. That is under a threshold inflation
may be harmless or even conducive to growth; and beyond that threshold,
inflation may retard growth.
To test the hypothesis
about a possible inverted U-shaped relationship between inflation and growth, we
use econometric methods. Two different approaches are adopted to test the
hypothesis. One approach involves a growth accounting exercise and a test on the
effects of inflation on
productive efficiency.
As only dealing with efficiency, which is one of the various channels running
from inflation to growth, this approach is a test of partial effects of
inflation on growth. The other approach involves VAR models to identify the
total or full effects of various channels running from inflation to growth.
In testing the
hypothesis in two different approaches, we rely on two sets of data. One is an
annual data set from 1986 to 2000 that is used to test the partial effects. The
other is a quarterly data set over 1991-2000 used to test the full effects. The
General Statistical Office, MOLISA and World Bank report all the data used.
The Thesis’s body has
three chapters. Chapter one presents a literature review of theories and
empirical studies on the relationship between inflation and growth. Chapter two
serves to review Vietnam’s economic performance, especially inflation and
growth, in the renovation process. Chapter three presents and tests the
hypothesis about an inverted U-shaped relationship between inflation and growth.
Finally, we summarize the main findings of the thesis in Conclusion.
What Theories and Empirical
Studies Say?
On the theoretical
ground, inflation may be neutral, conducive or harmful to growth. Controversies
in theory on the inflation-growth nexus lead to different results in empirical
studies. The diversified results suggest that the nature of the inflation-growth
nexus vary from country to country and from time to time. Consequently, policy
prescriptions should be based upon case studies. The literature on
inflation-growth nexus does not provide a conclusive answer to the case of
Vietnam.
Theories
While the classical
school holds neutrality of inflation, the “Prior saving” approach and the
“Forced saving” approach argued for negative and positive impacts of inflation
on growth, respectively.
The classical school
maintains neutrality and super-neutrality of money. Neutrality of money means
money is neutral to real variables like relative prices, employment and output.
Though neutrality of money is highly likely to hold in the long run, it may not
hold in the short run. However, there are different explanations for
non-neutrality of money in the short run. While the hypothesis of neutrality of
money is restricted to static conditions of various real variables, the concept
of super-neutrality of money is examined in comparative-static conditions and
dynamics. Super neutrality of money
means that
changes in the nominal money stock and inflation does not affect (1) the growth
path of other real variables in their steady-state levels, except for real cash
balances; (2) the process in which real variables approach their steady states
or equilibrium levels.
The “prior savings”
approach maintains that inflation retards economic growth. In the “prior
savings” approach, classical economists maintain that prior savings are the
determinant of investment and all savings find their investment outlets. In
addition, it is assumed that investments not financed from prior savings will
generate inflation but no real income. And to grow, there is no need for
inflation. Moreover, inflation retards economic growth. This approach rests on
some propositions. First, inflation lowers real returns to savings and hence
discourages savings. Second, high and variable inflation rates may raise the
cost and risk of productive investment. The high variability of inflation may
induce the private sector to invest in quick-yielding financial assets rather
than longer-term projects. Third, high inflation can lead to ‘rent seeking’ and
directly unproductive activities when the government has to impose various price
controls. Fourth, high inflation may encourage investment in unproductive real
assets like gold or real estate. Fifth, if resources or seigniorage transferred
to the government are not invested, the net increase in total investment will be
lower. Finally, in an open economy, if domestic inflation exceeds world
inflation in the case of an inflexible exchange rate, inflation will worsen the
balance of trade. This may aggravate the exchange gap. In addition,
hyperinflation can give rise to speculation on devaluation and hence can induce
capital flights. The implication of this approach is that monetary policy is to
mobilize and channel funds for investment. To this end, real interest rate must
be positive. Positive real interest rate can be achieved by financial
liberalization and low inflation.
The “forced savings”
approach, which is dominated by the Keynesian school, holds that inflation can
facilitate growth. In the “forced savings” approach prior savings are not the
requirement for growth. The government via money expansion can increase
investment. In the case of underemployment, money expansion will raise aggregate
demand and hence output and saving. In the case of full employment or supply
rigidities, money growth will raise the inflation rate, reducing real interest
rate, shifting funds to physical capital, strengthening capital intensity and
hence stimulating output and saving. In addition, inflation, in which prices
rise faster than wages, arising from money expansion will lead to redistribution
effects in favor of profit earners. This helps to increase the marginal
propensity to save or MPS for short. Moreover, inflation will drive resources
from the private sector to the government budget for real investment. The
implication of this approach is that to increase investment, there is need for
low or negative real interest rates. So inflation and financial repression by
ceilings are necessary for growth.
Empirics
Besides the
theoretical debate, empirical evidence also provides inconclusive results.
In empirical studies,
economists follow two main approaches. First, they investigate a sample of many
countries over a certain period of time. Second, they study cases of individual
countries. The results of the first approach, though empirical, are too general
and are theoretical in some sense. Clearly, this kind of research is significant
for further theoretical and empirical studies. However, policy makers should be
careful in the applications of those results. In the second approach, economists
often adopt, follow and are guided by the hypotheses, methods and results, which
are theoretical in some sense, of cross-country studies. Empirical results of
single-country studies are more reliable in the policy making process because
they are more specific, accounting for peculiarities of a certain economic
system.
On the empirical
ground, via various single-country and cross-country studies, inflation does not
have a consistent effect on growth. Some economists find that inflation does not
have significant effects or stable effects on growth and productivity growth.
Others identify positive relationship between inflation and growth. A greatly
larger body of the literature finds harmful effects of inflation on growth.
Recently, some economists arrive at an inverted U-shaped relationship between
inflation and growth.
In the case of
Vietnam, there are a few studies on inflation and growth. However, these studies
do not identify empirical effects of inflation on growth. Hence, the thesis is
aimed at filling the gap in the literature and may provide empirical suggestions
for policy responses to the hot issue of deflation. Hence the study is
empirically oriented and worthwhile.
Why inconclusive?
In fact, the
inconsistence relationship between inflation and growth results from numerous
channels between them, both direct and indirect. It is noted that our concern
here is only the direction from inflation to growth, not the opposite direction.
Inflation will affect growth directly if money is treated as a direct productive
input in the aggregate production function. Except for this channel, inflation
will affect growth via other variables like saving, investment, productivity and
so on. This complication can be illustrated via Figure 1.

Figure 1.
Complication in the inflation-growth
nexus
Note:
The arrows only denote direct effects, not indirect ones. The figure shows that
inflation affects growth both directly and indirectly.
Growth may come from
the growth in stocks of resources or improvement in the efficiency in
combination of these resources. So the channels serve to link inflation and
growth in two ways. First, they affect resource accumulation, especially capital
accumulation. Second they influence the combination of resources.
Inflation affects
resource accumulation by influencing government saving, private saving, foreign
saving. In addition inflation affects investment via altering real interest
rates and the degree of uncertainty.
Besides the
accumulation of resources, inflation can play some role in changes of efficiency
in the combination of resources, which affects potential output, actual output,
and hence growth. More specifically, inflation may have impacts on transaction
costs, portfolios, financial depth that is crucial to flexibility of the
economy, pro-growth processes, incentives and competition.
Inflation and Growth: Policy
Responses
The 1986-2000 period
can be divided into 4 sub-periods. This division is based upon both the nature
of reform and the distinctive developments of inflation and growth. In the first
and the second sub-periods 1986-1988 and 1989-1991, economic conditions were
unstable. These conditions are characterized by low growth rates and high and
fluctuating inflation. In the third sub-period 1992-1997, the economy
experienced moderate inflation and rapid growth. The average growth rate was
8.77 percent per annum while inflation was 9.5 percent on average. The fourth
sub-period 1998-2000 shows signs of slow down with too low inflation and even
deflation on the quarterly basis.
The overview of what
Vietnam has achieved since 1986 is demonstrated via two macroeconomic
indicators, namely inflation and output growth (Figure 2).
Figure 2. Inflation
and growth in the period 1986-2000 (%)
Source:
based on GSO (2000a, 2001).
Inflation
Developments of
inflation can be observed via CPI, GDP deflator. In general, CPI-based inflation
and GDP-deflator-based inflation have the same trend. The series of
GDP-deflator-based inflation also shows high inflation in the sub-period
1986-1991 and a declining trend in inflation rate after 1994. In addition, there
is a clearly positive correlation between inflation and its variability.
In 1985, a year before
the Sixth Congress of Vietnamese Communist Party, the price-salary-money reform
was conducted. In the subsequent years, 1986-1988, the government continued
gradually the price reform. The economy had to suffer much from hyperinflation
in the period 1986-1988.
In 1989, the
government launched a powerful campaign to combat high inflation. At the center
of this campaign was the positive-real-interest-rate rule, which helped to drive
inflation rate down. However, large budget deficits, covered by money creation,
gave rise to the return of high inflation in 1990-1991.
From 1992, Vietnamese
government cautiously and austerely carried out monetary and fiscal policies.
Budget deficit was declining and covered by internal and external borrowings and
grants. Year 1992 marks the beginning of a period in which prices became more
stable. Over the 1995-2000 period, price growth tended to slow down, except for
suddenly rapid inflation in year 1998 due to an external price shock caused by
the Asian financial crisis.
The declining trend in
CPI started in 1999. This phenomenon signals a new phase of economic
performance, 10 years after the launch of doi moi. Both price cycles in 1999 and
2000 have a negative development and the cycle in 2000 is below that of 1999.
All these signs suggest an ongoing deflationary situation. In general this
phenomenon is caused by excess aggregate supply. More specifically, in Vietnam,
the fact that demand growth does not catch up with supply growth is what causes
deflation. The causes of deflation are: (1) some industries in the industrial
sector and the service sector show signs of unbalances between demand and
supply; (2) the deflationary trend in the world agrarian markets helps keep
domestic prices low. Moreover, the redistributional effects via changes in
relative prices against farmers, a dominant body of the population, lead to slow
demand growth; (3) signs of unemployment, piling up of inventories, and
deflation bring about the deterioration in people’s confidence. This discourages
both investment and consumption; (4) the decline in Total Factor Productivity
(TFP) growth. All the mentioned effects are woven together to give rise to
deflationary pressure.
In short the
developments of inflation are closely linked with policy changes in the early
stages of the reform process. For the past recent years, there have been signs
of a declining trend in prices, which led to deflation in 2000.
Growth
We will consider the
three pillars of total output, namely the agricultural sector, the industrial
sector and the service sector. Second, we will look at the trend in the
perceived backbone of growth, namely investment. Finally, we will study the
developments of TFP growth.
Overall growth can be
divided into growth in the agricultural sector, the industrial sector and the
service sector. Throughout the period 1986-2000, the industrial sector always
had the leading speed of growth. The average rates of growth of the agricultural
sector, the industrial sector and the service sector over the period 1986-2000
are 3.7%, 9.1% and 6.7 % respectively. It is noted that developments in the
industrial sector may play the most important role in the developments of total
output growth over 1989-2000.
The three sectors also
show the four typical sub-periods like those of total output growth. This fact
also suggests that growth rates of the three sectors seem to be associated with
inflation in an inverted-U-shaped pattern. That is low growth rates seem to be
associated with too low and too high inflation and high growth rates seem to
prevail in the condition of moderate inflation.
Like in many other
countries, investment is agreed to be the most important factor of growth.
Investment ratio and growth has drifted together, suggesting the prominent role
of capital accumulation in the growth process. Over 1986-2000, the investment
ratio increased considerably, from less than 15 percent to more than 30 percent.
The efficiency of investment can be reflected by the ICOR coefficient. After
1996, there is an upward shift in ICOR. This fact may partially express the
efficiency gains brought about by the economic reform.

Figure 3.
Contribution of capital and TFP to economic growth
Source:
own calculations.
In going further to
understand the contribution of investment to growth, we examine the developments
of both investment and Total Factor Productivity (TFP), which we have to
calculate. Right after the launch of the economic renovation, when various
reforms in price and agricultural production were conducted, TFP grew rapidly.
After that, TFP growth slowed down before it regained momentum in the period
1992-1995, in which the economy grew rapidly. From the end of 1995, TFP growth
slowed down. In addition, contributions of investment and TFP to economic growth
are shown in Figure 3.
In the period
1986-1989, growth may come all from efficiency growth stimulated by a new
incentive system. Two years after bold reforms in 1989, contribution of TFP to
growth regained momentum in 1991 before having a declining trend over 1992-2000.
It is also noted that
while contribution of TFP to growth has a declining trend over 1992-2000, the
growth in capital stock plays a more and more important role in economic growth.
This fact suggests a sustained decline in productivity of the capital stock
after 1991. Hence, the underlying pattern or nature of growth in Vietnam may not
give rise to sustainable rapid long run growth.
In conclusion, the
developments of both inflation and growth suggest a distinctive pattern in the
relationship between them in the renovation process. That is too high and too
low inflation seem to be associated with slow growth. In addition, though,
investment and capital accumulation play an important role in the economic
growth process, their growth contribution may be increasingly quantitative and
not qualitative.
Policy Responses
Since 1986, the
government has combined various policies to promote economic development. One of
the important policy groups is the macroeconomic policy mix, which is designed
to stabilize the economy and to promote growth. This policy mix is a group of
price policy, monetary policy that includes interest rate and exchange rate
regimes, and fiscal policy. These macroeconomic policies have shown both
successes and failures in addressing inflation and growth. With reference to the
aims of macroeconomic policies, there are two periods, namely 1986-1995 and
1996-2000. Policies in the period 1986-1995 were planned to focus on stabilizing
macroeconomic conditions. Later, the aim of the period 1996-2000 is
macroeconomic stabilization for higher growth. More specifically, macroeconomic
policy mix is reviewed in four sub-periods, namely 1986-1988, 1989-1991,
1992-1997, and 1998-2000.
In the sub-period
1986-1988, macroeconomic policies were subject to structural reforms. The
structural reforms were price reforms, production reforms in both agriculture
and industry, and the establishment of a two-tier banking system that has the
State Bank and other commercial banks. The elimination of price controls and
credit expansion to the state-own enterprises led to hyperinflation in
1986-1988. As macroeconomic policies for stabilization over 1986-1988 failed,
the government adopted new approaches in 1989.
The sub-period
1989-1991 began with bold reforms in 1989. The reforms in 1989 include
structural reforms and the adoption of orthodox stabilization policies,
concerning interest rates, exchange rate and credit expansion. The stabilization
package in early 1989 created a synthesized effect to bring inflation to a halt
in the middle of the year. Moreover, the strong actions by the government
brought back confidence of economic agents in dong. However, these policy
actions imposed great hardship to the state own enterprises. After 1989 poor
coordinated macroeconomic policies led to the return of high inflation in
1990-1991.
In sum, macroeconomic
policies were not constantly well coordinated in 1986-1991. It is noted that,
policy success in curbing inflation would not be achieved without two important
facts. First, the dual nature of the economy, i.e. formal and informal
economies, helped to smooth out the structural adjustment process. Second, the
emphasis on openness helped spur growth and create many jobs in export
industries, especially after the shrinkage of foreign outlets in the former
Soviet bloc.
The Seventh Congress
held in June 1991set out a plan to double total output by 2000 in comparison
with that of 1990. In fulfilling the general guidelines, in 1992, the government
clarified the scope of price control and stipulated the rights and
responsibilities of government bodies and enterprises in price stabilization. In
1993, the government established the price stabilization fund. This facility was
designed to stabilize prices and protect domestic production. Besides reforms in
price policy, this is also the period of fundamental fiscal adjustments. Cuts
back in expenditure came from further reforms in the state own enterprise
sector, demobilization of half a million of soldiers, and various investment
projects. The ease in the budget constraints in this sub-period facilitated the
monetary policy in dealing with inflation, facilitating rapid growth. In
addition, the State Bank adopted a more flexible management of interests to
promote growth in various conditions of price changes. Under the new regime
regulating the two-tier banking system, the State Bank was flexible to use
various tools as money supply, interest rate ceilings, reserve requirements,
credit limits and a managed float regime, which was set up in 1992, to
coordinate with other macroeconomic policies to control inflation and encourage
production.
In the period
1998-2000 there are two prominent sub-periods. The first is when the government
had to deal with the adverse effects of the Asian financial crisis. The second
is when the first signs of slow down appeared.
In July 1997, the
Asian financial crisis broke out in Thailand, and then swiftly spread to other
countries. The financial crisis imposed many adverse effects on Vietnam,
especially in 1998. In dealing with the adverse effects, the Vietnamese
government adopted a policy package involving prices, monetary growth, credit
growth, interest rates, exchange rate, foreign exchange, revenues and
expenditures in the budget, foreign trade regime, and operations of the banking
system, and so on to stabilize the economy. The government succeeded in
gradually adjusting the exchange rate, facilitating gradual adjustments in
production, foreign trade and external financial transactions. Fortunately, in
fact, the Asian financial crisis tolled a bell on the importance of the matching
among various macroeconomic policies, and on the soundness of the financial
system. Learning from these lessons, the Vietnamese government has carried out
decisive reforms in monetary policy, exchange rate policy, the banking system,
and the budget system.
However, while the
effects of the financial crisis were dying down in the late 1998 and early 1999,
a new trend became clear, which raised negative expectations. That is consumer
prices decreased in 8 consecutive months in 1999. In 2000, the first time after
the start of the economic renovation, the Vietnamese economy faced deflation.
There were concerns about a down turn in the economy. Facing this fact, the
government took a comprehensive demand stimulus package to prevent recession.
The package involved credit expansion, especially to the farmers, and increases
in expenditure, mostly on infrastructure. So far, the stimulus package has
failed to prevent the declining trend in CPI. This failure may be the results of
the failures to address two groups of problems in Vietnam. First are the
objective difficulties of the agricultural sector, which are brought about by
the market mechanism. Second may be the quantitative nature of the growth
process in Vietnam.
To summarize, in
1998-2000, the coordination of macroeconomic policies succeeded in dealing with
one of the greatest financial crises in the 1990s. However, the macroeconomic
package designed to eliminate the signs of a down turn in late 1990s seemed not
to achieve the desired outcomes.
In conclusion, the
review of the developments in inflation and growth in Vietnam from 1986 to 2000
gives us four stylized facts. First, the developments in and effects of non-food
CPI may greatly differ from those of CPI. Second, there seems to be an inverted
U-shaped relationship between inflation and growth in Vietnam. Third, the
developments of industrial output play an important role in GDP growth. Fourth,
the nature of economic growth in Vietnam over 1992-2000 may be quantitative
rather than qualitative. To put it differently, economic growth may rely more
and more on resource accumulation and less and less on efficiency.
Empirical Inflation-Growth
Nexus
The two previous
chapters, chapter one and chapter two, provide us with two important
suggestions. These suggestions are the hypothesis and the approach used to test
the hypothesis. First, chapter one and chapter two give a suggestion on the
possible pattern of the relationship between inflation and growth, both on the
theoretical and empirical grounds. Second, chapter one offers a wide range of
approaches, which can be used to test the hypothesis.
We first formulate the
hypothesis and then discuss the appropriate approach used to test the
hypothesis. Finally, based on the empirical evidence, we present some policy
implications, which may be helpful in the short run, medium run and long run
contexts.
Hypothesis: Inverted U-shaped Relationship
As the literature
review in chapter one shows, there are many channels running from inflation to
growth.
On the theoretical
ground, inflation can have no effects, negative effects or positive effects on
growth. Most of the arguments on the role of inflation are involved in capital
accumulation and the flexibility of the economy. In fact, the absence of a
unified theory on the effects of inflation on growth comes from the differences
in the starting points of various arguments. The differences are composed of
different assumptions about the contexts in which inflation works. Consequently,
various theories on the effects of inflation on growth can capture only a
certain set of effects, which are far from a complete set that tells the nature
of the inflation-growth nexus.
On the empirical
ground, the absence of a unified theory on the relationship between inflation
and growth, clearly, leads to diverse methods and results of various studies. In
addition, these empirical studies cover different samples and different measures
of inflation and growth. It is noted that most of these studies specify the
relationship between inflation and growth with no formal theories underlying the
mathematical models. This fact, again, reflect the striking complication in the
inflation-growth nexus.
Figure 4. The
hypothesis on inflation-growth nexus in Vietnam
The stylized facts
about an inverted U-shaped relationship between inflation and growth in Vietnam,
which are discussed in chapter two and are in line with some theories and
empirical studies, suggest us an asymmetric effect of inflation on growth. That
is under a threshold inflation may be harmless or even conducive to growth; and
beyond that threshold, inflation may retard growth. This notion is illustrated
in Figure 4.
In the next section,
we will discuss the analytical framework used to test the hypothesis about a
possible inverted-U-shaped relationship between inflation and growth in Vietnam.
Analytical Framework and Data
The Study employs two
approaches to test the u-shaped relationship between inflation and growth. In
the first approach, by adopting the Granger causality test, we study the effects
of inflation on total factor productivity, and hence on growth. As the concern
of this approach is the TFP, it provides a test on partial effects of inflation
on growth. Though facing a small number of observations, this test is meaningful
in the sense that it may provide us empirical clues on an appropriate price
environment that is crucial for macroeconomic performance in the short run and
growth in potential GDP in the long run.
In the second
approach, by adopting a bivariate VAR model, we can trace the total effects of
all the channels running from inflation to growth. Hence a VAR model can provide
a test on the full effects of inflation on growth. This test is preceded by the
Granger Causality test. In testing the full effects of inflation on growth, we
use two inflation variables, namely CPI and non-food CPI, and five growth
variables. As noted earlier, we are concerned with both actual output growth and
potential output growth. After the Granger causality test, we run the
regression, which accounts for the threshold effects as:

where
is
called the threshold term, is the threshold assuming values from 0.5% to 4.5% with
increments of 0.5%. This range of inflation rates is chosen because most of the
quarterly inflation rates lie in that range. The threshold is chosen to minimize the sum of the squared residuals or
ESS/RSS of the above regression.
In testing the partial
effects and full effects, we rely on two data sets. Out of the two data sets,
one is annual from 1986 to 2000, and the other quarterly from 1991Q1 to 2000Q4.
Most of the data have official sources like the General Statistical Office,
World Bank and MOLISA. It is noted that, we have to establish the data series of
the capital stock and TFP growth over 1986-2000. In addition, the series on
quarterly potential GDP is derived with the Hodrick-Prescott (HP) filter. As
revised by GSO, the data samples are consistent.
Empirical Evidence
The test of partial
effects shows that inflation may not have effects on the efficiency measured by
TFP of the economy. As the number of observations is limited, these results only
provide some suggestions. In the economic reform process, the technological
progress should originate from institutional changes, incentives for
competition, and opening up, rather than inflation.
In the test of full
effects, there are only two cases in which inflation Granger causes growth. The
two cases are: (1) CPI inflation affects potential output growth; (2) CPI
inflation affects industrial output growth. In testing the u-shaped relationship
between CPI inflation and growth, some stylized facts are:
In the case of
Vietnam, inflation seems to be conducive to growth at moderate inflation rates,
i.e. increases in inflation rates can promote economic growth. However,
inflation exerts the first negative effects as it reaches 0.5% per quarter or 2%
per annum where the positive marginal effects of inflation on potential output
growth are reduced in magnitude. Beyond 0.5% per quarter, inflation is still
conducive to both potential output growth and industrial output growth. In
passing the critical point of 4.5% per quarter or 19% per year, inflation has
large negative impacts on industrial output growth. Figure 5 illustrates the
empirical marginal effects of inflation on growth. It is assumed that both
growth and inflation start from zero. The numerical values show the discrete
marginal effects of inflation rate on growth rate.

Figure 5. Marginal
effects of inflation on growth
In addition, we test
an extra hypothesis. The hypothesis is: after the earliest stage of economic
reform, as economic performance becomes more stable, the inflation threshold may
decline. This hypothesis is also in line with the distinctive inflation profiles
of developed and developing countries: the inflation threshold of developed
countries is smaller than that of developing countries. The test shows that
there has not been such threshold decline in Vietnam.
Policy Implications
The empirical evidence
suggests two facts. First, the tolerance inflation rate is 19% per year, beyond
which inflation may have large negative impacts on industrial output growth and
hence on GDP growth. Second, the most appropriate inflation rate for long run
sustainable growth may be around 2% per annum, too far above which inflation may
be harmful. The existence of the threshold suggests that we should take into
account the threshold effects of inflation to the policy making process. The
general guide is the achievement of an inflation rate that is best for policy
goals.
The incorporation of
the threshold effects should be embedded in a more comprehensive and specific
policy framework. This suggests that we should (1) revise the macro framework
and (2) come up with some policy implications for Vietnam.
(b)
Figure 6. The
Modified Phillips Curves in the Short Run and the Long Run
First, traditionally,
the Phillips Curve shows the trade off between inflation and unemployment rate
in the short run, and the vertical Phillips Curve illustrates the proposition
that there is no such a trade off in the long run. However, with the threshold
effects, those traditional propositions may no longer hold. More specifically,
the economy may not tolerate high inflation rates. This effect leads to a
forward bending Phillips Curve in the short run (Panel a) and a backward
Phillips Curve in the long run (Panel b) in Figure 6.
The threshold effects
give rise to a modified macroeconomic framework, which should be noted in the
monetary policy. Each monetary regime may have a single intermediate target or
several priorities. Economists have proposed various regimes. They are monetary
targeting, interest rate targeting, nominal exchange rate targeting, nominal GDP
targeting, and inflation targeting. The existence of the threshold effects of
inflation on growth suggests that in a country that meets the necessary
conditions, inflation targeting may help achieve sustainable growth, a
combination of short run and long run desirable outcomes. It can be seen that
there is a match between the inflation-targeting regime and the modified
macroeconomic framework discussed above. The match is that inflation should be
controlled and targeted at an appropriate level.
Second, for Vietnam, the empirical results
presented above suggests some policy implications in the short run to medium
run, and in the long run to address inflation so as to achieve sustainable rapid
growth. The policy implications are:
The short run
and the medium run
In the short run perspective, various tools of
the macroeconomic policy framework should be well coordinated to achieve rapid
growth at acceptable inflation rates discussed above. In other words, policy
should incorporate the modified macroeconomic framework. This means all the
tools are designed in a comprehensive framework so that they complement each
other and do not have conflicts, or at least have minimized conflicts.
In the current situation of deflationary
pressures, the monetary and fiscal policies should be more expansionary to spur
growth. However, expansionary actions should be under control to ensure an
appropriate inflation level, preventing the possible threat of accelerating
inflation.
In the medium run and also long run, as
suggested by the discussion on the possibility of the quantitative nature of
growth in Vietnam and the partial test on the effects of inflation on growth,
macroeconomic policy should be combined with structural reforms. These
structural reforms should put emphasis on two sectors. The first is agriculture
and the second is the system of state own enterprises. In general, the reforms
should create more competition incentives, which encourage technological
progress. In addition, structural reforms in the agricultural sector should
minimize the crop effects, which often drive down prices of produce. These may
be involved in the increase in share of agricultural processing and other
industrial activities in the rural area.
In addition, various financial institutional
reforms and development should be carried out to strengthen the macroeconomic
tools. With more powerful macroeconomic tools, the government will be more
active in controlling inflation rates for sustainable rapid growth. These
reforms and development should comprise of:
§
Reforms in the fiscal policy, including both revenue and expenditure sides,
especially the system of state own enterprises.
§
Reforms and development in the banking system.
§
Development of financial markets especially the securities markets.
§
Integration into the international financial markets.
§
Strengthening of the monitoring system, especially the accounting and auditing
systems.
The long run
The existence of threshold effects of inflation
on growth suggests that in the long run, if these effects still remain and all
the necessary conditions converge, Vietnam should study and adopt inflation
targeting. To adopt the inflation-targeting regime, Vietnam has to prepare
carefully to reduce the possible negative outcomes. In the long run we have to
satisfy two prerequisites to explicitly adopt this regime. The prerequisites
are: (1) the ability to carry out an independent monetary policy, which involves
in an independence of the State Bank to some extent; (2) a robust quantitative
framework that links policy instruments to inflation.
Conclusion
The Sixth Congress of the Vietnamese Communist
Party launched a critical move from a central planning system to a market one in
December 1986. As a result, the Vietnamese economy experienced great
institutional changes in the late 1980s. Through out the 1990s, further reforms
have been fulfilled in the forms of newly established institutions and
deregulations. Those reforms mean further movements towards a market mechanism.
The economic reform has brought about
considerable improvements in living standards. After a period of price
instability in 1986-1991, which was associated with moderate growth rates, the
Vietnamese economy entered a period of moderate inflation with rapid growth.
However, a new phase of economic performance, which clearly emerged in 1999,
shows low inflation, even deflation. This phenomenon is associated with a
slowdown in growth. With a perception of stagnancy in demand growth, the
government has carried out a stimulus package, which involves expansion in both
monetary and fiscal policies. So far, this stimulus package has seemed to fail
to prevent deflationary pressures, which are assumed as signals of a downturn.
Facing this fact, a debate over further expansion appeared. Some economists and
policy makers argue for further stimuli while some others argue for cautious
responses. This debate cannot be settled without the knowledge of possible
effects of monetary growth and inflation on economic growth. Unfortunately, the
literature on inflation-growth nexus does not provide a conclusive answer to the
case of Vietnam.
On the theoretical ground, inflation may be and
may not be conducive to growth.
On the empirical ground, via various
single-country and cross-country studies, inflation does not have a consistent
effect on growth. Besides international studies, In the case of Vietnam, there
are a few studies on inflation and growth. However, these studies do not
identify empirical effects of inflation on growth. Hence, the thesis is aimed at
filling the hole in the literature and providing empirical suggestions for the
policy responses. Hence the study is worthwhile and empirically oriented.
We formulate a hypothesis about a possible
inverted U-shaped relationship between inflation and growth. That is under a
threshold inflation may be harmless or even conducive to growth; and beyond that
threshold, inflation may retard growth.
To test the hypothesis about a possible inverted
U-shaped relationship between inflation and growth, we use the econometric
method. We adopt two different approaches to test the hypothesis. One approach
involves a growth accounting framework to compute growth in Total Factor
Productivity, which is then related to inflation. As only dealing with
efficiency, which is one of the various channels running from inflation to
growth, this approach is a test of partial effects of inflation on growth. The
other approach involves VAR models to identify the total or full effects of
inflation on growth. This second approach allows for all the possible channels
that connect growth to inflation.
In testing the hypothesis in two different
approaches, we rely on two sets of data. One is an annual data set from 1986 to
2000 that is used to test the partial effects. The other is a quarterly data set
used to test the full effects. The General Statistical Office reports all the
data used.
From the approaches and data samples mentioned
above, we arrive at some main findings as:
First, the consumption basket may change greatly
over time, especially in the renovation process. This fact suggests that the
weights used to calculate CPI should be adjusted every 10 years, in line with
the national census. The adjustments in the calculation of CPI help reflect the
true consumption basket.
Second, through out the economic reform process,
economic growth may rely more and more on resource accumulation, and less and
less on efficiency. In fact, while contribution of TFP to growth has a declining
trend through out the renovation process, the growth in capital stock plays a
more and more important role in economic growth.
Third, based upon annual data, we find that
inflation may not affect TFP or efficiency. However, it should be borne in mind
that this test relies on a small data sample. This fact suggests that, in the
economic renovation, efficiency may come from institutional and fundamental
structural reforms rather than inflation. This means macroeconomic policy should
be combined with structural reforms. These structural reforms should put
emphasis on two sectors, namely agriculture and state-own enterprises.
Fourth, based on the quarterly data, we find
that inflation affects growth in a limited number of cases. That is CPI
inflation only has effects on growth rates in quarterly potential GDP, which has
a long run perspective, and growth rates in output of the industrial sector,
which has a short run perspective. This fact also suggests that inflation has
different effects on the agricultural sector, the industrial sector and the
service sector. It is noted that non-food CPI inflation hardly has any effects
on growth.
More specifically, the empirical evidence
suggests two facts. Firstly, the tolerance inflation rate is 19% per year,
beyond which inflation may have large negative impacts on industrial output
growth and hence on GDP growth. Secondly, the most appropriate inflation rate
for long run sustainable growth may be around 2% per annum, too far above which
inflation may be harmful to growth. These findings suggest that, in the current
situation of deflationary pressures, the monetary and fiscal policies should be
more expansionary to spur growth. However, expansionary actions should be under
control to ensure an appropriate inflation level and to prevent possible threats
of accelerating inflation.
In addition, the existence of threshold effects
of inflation on growth suggests that in the long run, if these effects still
remain and all the necessary conditions converge, Vietnam should study and adopt
inflation targeting. In the long run we have to satisfy two prerequisites to
explicitly adopt this regime. The prerequisites are: (1) an ability to carry out
an independent monetary policy; this involves in an independence of the State
Bank to some extent; (2) a robust quantitative framework that links policy
instruments to inflation.
The thesis has both objective and subjective
weaknesses. The objective weaknesses are small data samples and lacks of
reliable data in some cases. The subjective weaknesses come from the approaches
adopted. Under the philosophy set out at the beginning, we investigate the
effects of inflation on growth without testing the specific channels running
from inflation to growth. In the future, studies on the relationship between
inflation and growth can be based upon structural models, which can tell the
nature of inflationary effects.
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